Sunday, February 5, 2012

خفايا بدايات سقوط نظام مبارك

The White House/Israel
Cairo/Riyadh Axis.
Hiding the Black Book

There are those who know that what is taking place in the wings is far, far greater than what is being promulgated to the public for consumption. Mubarak’s is a case for careful examination and should never be taken for granted.
Information coming from private sources inside the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces tells a story, part of which is now well known and the remaining is subject to many speculations. But Mubarak’s destiny had been discussed and concrete steps had been taken different from what the public have been told. Mubarak will not be tried. Mubarak’s investigation will be farcical in nature, and designed only to mollify and placate the angry public.
Lt. Genral Sammy Anan With US Counterpart
To understand how events have progressed, and for everything to make sense, a brief background may be necessary for anyone who had not been there in Tahrir physically or digitally.
In the early hours of the revolution, there were very few exchanges with the Americans, if any. But during the early days, most of the exchanges, were reciprocal information between the White House Specialists on the Middle East and Tantawi’s Office in Kobreyl Qubbah as well as Joint General Command in Madinet Nassr. Very few were fielded to O’roobah Palace in Heliopolis to Mubarak himself.
America had no precise information on the timing or scope of the event. Much like Mubarak's regime, the US embassy Cairo had heard rumors and read digital messages but that was it. The US embassy’s Maggie Scobey was taken by surprise and could not provide any intelligence to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. The White House had no choice but to rely on Pentagon’s communication with Lt. General Sammy Annan, who, early on was at the Pentagon and had to cut his visit short when the temperature of Tahrir rose to a critical level.
The White House obtained a very solid promise from Lt. General Sammy Annan that he would dismiss any order to use the army against the civilian population. That promise was obtained from General Annan while he was in DC at the pentagon, and was confirmed several times after his return to his Office at Joint General Command in Madinet Nassr.
General Annan discussed this heatedly with Field Marshal Tantawi, who while had no objection to the principle, resented that his Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff should have made that decision and given such promises without deferring the matter to him first.
Eventually, however, they both put the matter behind them especially when the difference was one of order and chain of command as well as military decorum rather than disagreement on duty and strategy. Lt. General Annan, however, was not 100% certain of his Boss' absolute and incontrovertible stance on initial action.
After January 28th, both Tantawi and Annan, along with all senior members of the Brass had no squabble on what their action should be, and with Mubarak’s intransigence, leading to ordering the army to crush the uprising by any and all means necessary, a decision was made to isolate him and his Old Crone along with their son the minute they sensed that they did not have a president, but a family acting as if they were monarchs or the royal overlords of the land.
Air Marshal Reda Mahmoud Hafez; Commanding General of the Air force ordered Cairo-West air base’s commanding officer to dispatch a squadron from their fighter air wing to fly “greeting formation” passes over Tahrir Square to reassure the millions that Egypt’s armed forces were on their side. Unfortunately neither the protesters nor the press understood what “Greeting Formation” flights were and thought that the F-16 fighter jets screaming over their heads were exhibiting hostile intentions against the civilians and gave defying fist signs with roaring cries as if to say, “We’re not scared of you.” ... Even foreign media were confused and reported this as a warning of impending aerial bombardment or scare tactics.
All those events were taking place while intensive communication was underway between the Tantawi-Annan team and the White House through the Pentagon to ensure that the Military was standing by the people or at least standing neutral. It was. But the communication had delved into a different topic altogether. The US was scared out of its wits and worried about all the dirty secrets between the US-Israel and Cairo-Riyadh axis.
Once the regime had fallen and was out of all official channels of communication, the US turned its attention to ensuring its strategic interests were not being threatened. The US had full confidence in the military institution but had no idea what the popular uprising might draw into the theater of influence in Egypt. This prompted intensive direct talks between the parties.

High level Congressional envoys including the most ardent Zionists of them all arrived one after another for closed door talks with Tantawi. They discussed Israel, the treaties, The Muslim Groups and the Mubaraks.
Britain’s Prime minister came to talk with both Tantawi and Ahmad Shafiq (then acting prime minister) regarding Muslim groups, Israel, the Treaties and the Mubaraks & his money. They also discussed, apparently, the imperative for a European standard legal proceedings against convicted members of the ousted regime. Tantawi wasted no time allaying British concern regarding military tribunals. David Cameron was impressed by what he heard from Tantawi regardong the deeply rooted traditions of Egypt's Judiciary system which has direct roots in both French and British counterparts.
The EU sent its chief of parliament to discuss Muslim groups, election, and transfer of power. They also discussed Mubarak and the looted funds in EU banks as well as string attachments to EU financial assistance. But perhaps one of the more sensitive issues about which, the EU was concerned, had to do with the nature of future trials for members of the deposed regime and whether capital punishment would ever be considered especially when there were close to 1000 killed by police snipers and assault including children and infants.
French President Sarkozy dispatched both his Prime Minster and Foreign Minister to discuss Muslim Groups, Israel, the Treaties, and the Mubaraks. … At one time Tantawi thought that all those high level envoys were on Mubarak’s Death-Will, lining up to inherit his Loot! Tantawi was also dismayed by the incredible and hypocritical degree of paranoia regarding Muslim groups while Muslims were being persecuted and targeted by Christian Extremists everywhere in their countries
Tantawi had to give assurances that all national Security secrets would remain 100% protected and Mubarak himself would be protected by the army. Tantawi-Annan had to agree to provide the US with assurances that, in exchange for his resignation, Mubarak would not be subject to any uncontrolled proceedings such as public Kangaroo Trials where, he would have to blurt out all state secrets.
This explains the army’s frantic reaction once State Security Buildings were compromised by the revolution and revolutionary elements had invaded several buildings, and documents were grabbed.
The US was quick to immediately send extremely loud alarms to protect or destroy those documents and leave no paper trails. Digital files were rescued and the military kept them in highly secured archives. The US was very pleased with the military’s quick reaction

All documents destructions were sanctioned and pre-approved by Tantawi or his assistants. All State Security officers who were arrested for documents destruction without specific orders were subsequently released. No action was taken against them nor were they subject to any investigation. The public was given various cover stories that had been pre-rehearsed.
Tantawi's policy with remnants of the old regime's police apparatus was pragmatic. The police is not the State Security, yet State Security is a crucial division of the police. All the police excesses which were unforgivable by the people were equally unforgivable by the military.
The dilemma resided in what to do with internal security should a decision for collective punishment be taken? Undoubtedly many police personnel acted in pure criminal fashion. They were arrested and are still in detention pending trials.
The question remained, however, that despite the fact that the people's demands to dismantle the entire police apparatus are valid, no government, be it as it may, transitional, civilian or military could just dispense with the nation's police apparatus and replace it with a fresh replacement.
What Marshall Tantawi did was all he could do with what he had to maintain law and order, and even at that, law and order had either disintegrated or suffered severe blows in many parts of the country even with many units of the army acting as police to help in maintaining the security of the street.

The question of the family Loot was a very delicate matter and it was agreed that it would not be discussed until sufficient information was gathered and collected. Contrary to what the public and press had been told, The Old Crone and Her Two sons did travel abroad on the private jet several times, apparently, to take care of family Loot. Marshal Tantawi put an end to it once the Flight Crew complained that they were being coerced by the Old Crone to break the rules.
Meanwhile, across the ocean in the US, The Mubarak’s attorney in Washington DC, in what was described as one of the greatest blunders of US State Department's recent history of gaffes, was summoned by Hillary Clinton, and was designated her special envoy to Egypt. He arrived in Egypt, met the Mubaraks, and received instructions on what action to take regarding the family Loot. Nobody in Egypt was certain whether this was not on purpose. circumstances, however, do suggest that it was not just another gaffe.
Communication between Riyadh and Sharm el Sheikh continued, and representatives of the Fat, pot-bellied King in Riyadh came to meet Tantawi to ensure that all their state secrets would be protected and that Mubarak would not be subjected to humiliating public trials for fear of copy-cats in their own countries. Financial deals were struck contrary to what the public were told.
Many scenarios were discussed with the US and the Gulf States with regard to Mubarak. The general outlines were: public outrage would be contained with carefully orchestrated arrest and investigation proceedings giving the impression that there was no special considerations. Eventually, however, he would be exonerated of the most serious charges of murder and high treason. All other charges of corruption and profiteering would be dropped purely on humanitarian grounds provided the loot is returned to the public treasury.
USZionist Jewess Maggie Scobey & Shafiq
Egypt’s external debt is $59 Billion Dollars. The financial deal had to do with assisting Egypt with addressing this insidious and horrific burden that was caused by none other than Mubarak himself, for whom many highly interested parties are, apparently, requesting special treatment. The Question of restitution came up.
Deals had to be struck, and while the details are national security secrets, the general outlines have to do with whatever assets smuggled to Gulf area banks. Those funds will be quietly returned to Egypt in any form Egypt may dictate while handling the matter delicately and with anonymity for all parties concerned.
All funds that Egypt could regain independently from outside the Gulf area shall be matched 1:1 until the entire amount of Egypt's external debt is settled. Financial arrangements, other than the returned looted money, shall take place in the form of treaties signed by future government to render all transactions legal and official; Meanwhile, Mubarak's case must be handled with extreme delicacy.
The US may have had good reasons to believe they owed Mubarak at least the semblance of dignity after 30 years of loyal service to his masters in Tel Aviv and the White House. This explains their repeated pleas to spare Mubarak the indignity of public humiliation. The Military had no quarrel with the concept, however, public outrage has compelled Tantawi to tell Hillary Clinton's envoys that Egypt has to do what it must ... Albeit, delicately.
The Arabians had all the good reasons (in their views) to treat Mubarak and his family with utmost decorum and honor. After all, they are all the same type of despotic and decrepit dictatorial heaps. And for considerations of national interests, Tantawi had to yield to diplomatic initiatives to satisfy bot internal public demands and external interests, provided those interests were of benefit to national security.
Whether under arrest, prosecuted or pardoned, the military will remember the requests for special treatment and its own lack of desire to humiliate the former dictator, however, no promises were made for extending the special considerations to his family. If any, such considerations would be strictly stemming from the nature of the post-revolutionary political milieu, and evidence is already showing signs that, in Egypt, this is the norm.
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